Wojna w Jugosławii Część 2 / 4 . Fałszywe oskarżenia !

//A szokujące obrazy na ITN i w Newsweek są w naszej pamięci. //

Nie wiem czy są w naszej pamięci dlatego warto je przypomnieć.

?

Następnie niemiecki dziennikarz Thomas Deichmann w swym artykule "Obraz który oszukał świat" zdemaskował mistyfikację.

The picture that fooled the world

'A Serbian concentration camp?'

Reproduced from Living Marxism issue 97, February 1997

This image of an emaciated Muslim caged behind Serb barbed wire,

filmed by a British news team, became a worldwide symbol of the war in

Bosnia. But the picture is not quite what it seems. German journalist

Thomas Deichmann reveals the full story. The picture reproduced on

these pages is of Fikret Alic, a Bosnian Muslim emaciated and stripped

to the waist, apparently imprisoned behind a barbed wire fence in a

Bosnian Serb camp at Trnopolje. It was taken from a videotape shot on

5 August 1992 by an award-winning British television team, led by

Penny Marshall (ITN) with her cameraman Jeremy Irvin, accompanied by

Ian Williams (Channel 4) and the reporter Ed Vulliamy from the

Guardian newspaper.

For many, this picture has become a symbol of the horrors of the

Bosnian war - 'Belsen '92' as one British newspaper headline captioned

the photograph (Daily Mirror, 7 August 1992). But that image is

misleading. The fact is that Fikret Alic and his fellow Bosnian

Muslims were not imprisoned behind a barbed wire fence. There was no

barbed wire fence surrounding Trnopolje camp. It was not a prison, and

certainly not a 'concentration camp,' but a collection centre for

refugees, many of whom went there seeking safety and could leave

again if they wished. The barbed wire in the picture is not around

the Bosnian Muslims; it is around the cameraman and the journalists.

It formed part of a broken-down barbed wire fence encircling a small

compound that was next to Trnopolje camp. The British news team filmed

from inside this compound, shooting pictures of the refugees and the

camp through the compound fence. In the eyes of many who saw them, the

resulting pictures left the false impression that the Bosnian Muslims

were caged behind barbed wire.

Whatever the British news team's intentions may have been, their

pictures were seen around the world as the first hard evidence of

concentration camps in Bosnia. 'The Proof: behind the barbed wire, the

brutal truth about the suffering in Bosnia,' announced the 'Daily

Mail' alongside a front-page reproduction of the picture from

Trnopolje: 'They are the sort of scenes that flicker in black and

white images from 50-year-old films of Nazi concentration camps.' (7

August 1992) On the first anniversary of the pictures being taken, an

article in the 'Independent' could still use the barbed wire to make

the Nazi link: 'The camera slowly pans up the bony torso of the

prisoner. It is the picture of famine, but then we see the barbed wire

against his chest and it is the picture of the Holocaust and

concentration camps.' (5 August 1993)

Penny Marshall, Ian Williams and Ed Vulliamy have never called

Trnopolje a concentration camp. They have criticised the way that

others tried to use their reports and pictures as 'proof' of a

Nazi-style Holocaust in Bosnia. Yet over the past four and a half

years, none of them has told the full story about that barbed wire

fence which made such an impact on world opinion.

It was through my role as an expert witness to the War Crimes Tribunal

that I first realised that something was wrong with the famous

pictures from Trnopolje. As a journalist with a track record of

reporting on Bosnia, I was asked to present the tribunal with a report

on German media coverage of Dusko Tadic, a Bosnian Serb accused of war

crimes. Reviewing press articles and video tapes which had been shown

on German TV, I became aware of the major importance of the Trnopolje

pictures. The picture of Fikret Alic behind the barbed wire, taken by

Penny Marshall's team, could be seen again and again.

One night, while I was going through the pictures again at home, my

wife pointed out an odd little detail. If Fikret Alic and the other

Bosnian Muslims were imprisoned inside a barbed wire fence, why was

this wire fixed to poles on the side of the fence where they were

standing? As any gardener knows, fences are, as a rule, fixed to the

poles from outside, so that the area to be enclosed is fenced-in. It

occurred to me then that perhaps it was not the people in the camp

who were fenced-in behind the barbed wire, but the team of British

journalists.

My suspicions were heightened by a conversation I had with Professor

Mischa Wladimiroff, Dusko Tadic's Dutch defence advocate at the War

Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. The main witness against Tadic, Dragan

Opacic (later exposed as a trained liar), had told the court about the

barbed wire fen=ce surrounding the camp at Trnopolje and had even made

a drawing of where it was. But when Professor Wladimiroff went to

Bosnia to investigate for the defence, it became clear to him that

Opacic had lied in the witness box; he could find no evidence of a

barbed wire fence surrounding Trnopolje camp (see interview below).

I decided to go back to Bosnia, and to review the British news team's

coverage of Trnopolje, in order to unravel the real story of how those

pictures had come about.

The British news team's trip to Bosnia in the summer of 1992 took

place against a background of mounting hysteria, as the first reports

claiming that the Bosnian Serbs were running brutal internment camps

were published in the West. On 19 July 1992, the American journalist

Roy Gutman wrote in 'Newsday' about the camp at Manjaca, and Andre

Kaiser's pictures of prisoners with shaven heads at Manjaca were shown

around the world. On 29 July in the 'Guardian', Maggie O'Kane quoted

eye-witnesses who claimed that Muslims had been crammed into cattle

cars and shipped off from Trnopolje station. On 2 August Roy Gutman

published another article in which he called the Bosnian Serb camp at

Omarska a 'death camp'. Gutman's and O'Kane's articles drew heavily

on hearsay and unconfirmed claims. Nevertheless, they caused an

international sensation.

When Marshall, Williams and Vulliamy arrived in Bosnia at the end of

July 1992, they were under intense pressure to get the story of the

camps. Roy Gutman's article about the 'death camp' Omarska, published

while the British team were in Bosnia, had further raised expectations

in the London editorial offices. After her return Penny Marshall told

how she and Williams had received orders from the managing editors of

ITN and Channel 4 to do nothing else before they had the camps story

in the bag: 'They had set Ian Williams and myself loose with an

open-ended brief to find and visit the detention camps, and with

orders to file nothing until we had come up with the story.' (Sunday

Times, 16 August 1992).

As the end of their trip approached, however, the British news team

had been unable to find the camps story they were after. Their final

stop was to be the refugee camp at Trnopolje, next to the village of

Kozarac which had been overrun by Bosnian Serb units a few months

earlier in May 1992. This was to be their last chance to get the story

which their editors wanted.

The pictures they shot at Trnopolje camp on 5 August were edited in

Budapest the next day, then sent to London and broadcast the same

night. The broadcast centred on shots of the journalists talking to

Fikret Alic and the group of Bosnian Muslims through the barbed wire.

These were the pictures which were widely interpreted as evidence that

the Muslims were penned behind a barbed wire fence, and which the

international media seized upon to make a symbolic link to the Nazi

camps. But how did the British team get them?

I have looked through the rest of the team's film from Trnopolje, at

the pictures which were not broadcast. They reveal a lot more about

the story.

The camp at Trnopolje consisted of buildings that had previously been

a school, and a community centre which housed a medical centre and a

public hall, alongside a large open area that had been a sports

ground. The only fences around parts of the camp were little more than

a metre high, of the kind you might find around any school or public

building. The British news team were able to enter all areas of the

refugee camp. They shot some pictures in the buildings. Their

attention, however, focused on a group of Muslims who had just been

brought from the camps in Keraterm close to Prijedor, who were waiting

in the open air to be registered and given food and somewhere to

sleep.

To film these refugees, Marshall and her cameraman Irvin entered a

compound next to the camp area. Inside this small compound were a kind

of garage shed, an electricity transformer station, and a brick barn.

Before the war, horticultural products could be bought there and

tractors and construction machinery had been housed in the barn. To

protect all this from thieves, the compound area of approximately 500

square metres had been fenced-in with barbed wire a couple of years

before. The erection of the barbed wire fence had nothing to do with

the refugees, the camp or the war. The poles to which this barbed wire

was attached are still standing today, and traces of the wire can be

found on the west side of the compound.

When Marshall, Williams and Vulliamy entered the compound next to the

camp, the barbed wire was already torn in several places. They did not

use the open gate, but entered from the south through a gap in the

fence. They approached the fence on the north side, where curious

refugees quickly gathered 'inside' the camp, but on the 'outside' of

the area fenced-in by barbed wire. It was through the barbed wire

fence at this point that the famous shots of Fikret Alic were taken.

The unused footage shows how cameraman Irvin zoomed through the

compound's barbed wire fence from various angles, apparently searching

for the most dramatic shot. Most of the refugees in the camp were

marked by their experience of the war, but few looked as emaciated as

Fikret Alic. Yet he captured the camera's attention.

On her return, Penny Marshall wrote in the 'Sunday Times' that

'Jeremy Irvin, our cameraman, knew he had come away with powerful

images from Prijedor, but only when we screened them in our Budapest

editing suite did we begin to sense their impact'. Ed Vulliamy

summarised this impact in his book, Seasons in Hell: 'With his

rib-cage behind the barbed wire of Trnopolje, Fikret Alic had become

the symbolic figure of the war, on every magazine cover and television

screen in the world.' (p202) Mike Jeremy, foreign editor of ITN, later

called the picture 'one of the key images of the war in former

Yugoslavia' 'Independent', 5 August 1993)

Yet an important element of that 'key image' had been produced by

camera angles and editing. The other pictures, which were not

broadcast, show clearly that the large area on which the refugees

were standing was not fenced-in with barbed wire. You can see that the

people are free to move on the road and on the open area, and have

already erected a few protective tents. Within the compound next door

that is surrounded with barbed wire, you can see about 15 people,

including women and children, sitting under the shade of a tree. Penny

Marshall's team were able to walk in and out of this compound to get

their film, and the refugees could do the same as they searched for

some shelter from the August sun.

---------------------------

Trnopolje, Bosnia Herzegovinia 2 August 1992

Site plan of Trnopolje, based on US satellite photo, 2 August 1992,

three days before British journalists arrived.

Another unpublished sequence on the tape shows Fikret Alic and the

other refugees who had just arrived from a different angle. The

cameraman is nolonger inside the barbed wire area, but about 20 metres

to the west of it. From here it is obvious that the refugees are not

caged behind barbed wire. While they wait to be registered and told

where to go, they are standing behind an ordinary wire mesh fence

which is little more than a metre high, adjacent to the barbed wire.

But these pictures did not make it on to the world's TV screens and

front pages.

When I visited Trnopolje last December I asked local people about the

camp and the barbed wire. Dragan Baltic, 17, went to school in

Trnopolje until the spring of 1992. He is certain that, apart from the

one around the small compound, 'there has been no other barbed wire

fence'. His 19-year old sister Dragana now works in a refugee centre

in the school. Dragana confirms her brother's account. She adds that

there was a metal fence about one metre high in front of and around

the school building, to prevent the children from running on to the

road. That fence can be seen on the ITN tapes. Refugees lean on it,

others jump over it to enter the camp area Dragana also remembers a

small wire mesh fence about 1.2m high, 'as is used for keeping hens',

running from the road up to the community centre and adjacent to the

barbed wire fence. This wire mesh fence, which stood before the war,

can also be clearly seen on the ITN pictures.

I met Pero Curguz in his office in Prijedor. He manages the regional

Red Cross, and was stationed in Trnopolje during the operation of the

refugee centre. He was interviewed by the British journalists in

August 1992. He says he told them that the people had come to the camp

of their own free will for protection. He told me that, during the

entire time of the operation of the camp, no fence had been erected.

On the contrary: when the other camps in Keraterm and Omarska were

closed, and Trnopolje became over crowded with up to 7500 people, the

refugees had pulled down fences antaken all other available materials

to build shelters. Curguz stressed that this was no internment or

prisoner camp; it was a collecting camp for exiled Muslims. Everybody

I spoke to confirmed that the refugees could leave the camp area at

almost any time.

When I showed the picture of Fikret Alic behind the barbed wire to

people in Trnopolje, I saw always the same reaction: anger and

disappointment. They had expected fair treatment from the Western

journalists and had welcomed them. Veljko Grmusa and his family were

exiled from Bosanska Bojna near Velika Kladusa and were assigned the

house of an exiled Muslim in Trnopolje. In the middle of August 1992

he worked as a guard in the refugee centre for a couple of days,

before he was sent to the front. He was glad when I told him that

Fikret Alic had survived the war, but angry about this image. His wife

Milica told me that she assisted in the camp by order of the local

authorities during the war: 'We wanted to help the journalists at that

time, we had no idea how the Western newspapers work. Later we

received orders not to talk any more with reporters who could not

produce a special authorisation.'

Misa Radulovic, 68, was a teacher in Kozarac and Trnopolje. Now he

walks with a stick and is nearly blind. But like all other men

considered able-bodied, he was enlisted in the army during the war and

stationed as a camp guard in Trnopolje for three days. 'We protected

the Muslims from Serbian extremists who wanted to take revenge', he

said. 'The people could leave the camp without papers, but this was

dangerous. A barbed wire fence existed only at this corner around the

barn, this little shop for rural products and the electricity

station.'

Without doubt most of the refugees in Trnopolje were undernourished.

Civilians were harassed in the camp, and there were reports of some

rapes and murders. Yet the irony is that, if this collection centre

for refugees had not existed under the supervision of Bosnian Serb

soldiers, a far greater number of Muslim civilians might have lost

their lives.

The collection centre was spontaneously created by refugees when the

civil war escalated in the Prijedor region. In May 1992 Bosnian Serb

forces took the town of Kozarac and drove its Bosnian Muslim occupants

out, just as Serb and Croat civilians had been driven out of their

homes elsewhere in the war zone. Many of the fleeing Muslims sought

refuge on the school grounds at Trnopolje. They congregated there in

the hope of avoiding being picked off by Bosnian Serb militia or

press-ganged into the war by Bosnian Muslim forces. Many of the

Bosnian Serb guards sent to the camp were local civilians, mobilised a

few days before, who knew the refugees. And there was a permanent Red

Cross presence under Pero Curguz, who told me that he too had met many

old acquaintances in the camp.

For all that, in the middle of a bloody war zone, the camp could never

be completely safe. But many refugees preferred to stay there rather

than risk their lives outside. There are reports of refugees who left

the camp briefly to visit their fields and homes, hoping to find food

and belongings, and were never seen again.

Paddy Ashdown, the British Liberal Democrat leader, visited the camps

in Manjaca and Trnopolje a few days after Penny Marshall's team.

Ashdown is no ally of the Bosnian Serbs, and had been a loud advocate

of British military intervention in the conflict. Yet his impressions

of Trnopolje, described in the 'Independent' on 13 August 1992, struck

a more sober note at a time of widespread hysteria about the camp:

'They have gathered here because they have to go somewhere. Their

houses have been burnt and their lives threatened. Muslim extremists

pressurise the men to join up with the guerrillas, so they have come

here for safety. But on most recent nights the unprotected camp has

been raided by Serbian extremists who beat them, rob them of what

little they have left and, it is claimed, rape the women. Things are

better now.'

In the eyes of the world, however, the dramatic pictures of Fikret

Alic apparently imprisoned behind barbed wire in Trnopolje had left

the impression that the Bosnian Serbs were running Nazi-style camps.

This set the tone for the coverage that followed. Misa Radulovic told

me that, after the British team visited Trnopolje, other Western

journalists came to the camp: 'Every one of them wanted to see only

the front part of the camp area and take pictures of the most

emaciated bodies. I had a dispute with a journalist and requested him

to take his pictures somewhere else, for example in the school

building. But he did not want to enter it.'

Ed Vulliamy's first article on Trnopolje was published in the

'Guardian' on 7 August 1992, the morning after the ITN pictures had

been broadcast for the first time. Vulliamy had probably not seen the

edited ITN broadcast when he wrote it. This article did not mention

the barbed wire fence, and stated that Trnopolje should not be called

a concentration camp. Vulliamy presented quite a balanced view of the

situation in the camp, quoting Muslim refugees who reported that no

force had been used against them, that the place offered them a

certain security, and that they would not know where to go otherwise.

However, by the time Vulliamy came to describe his impressions of

Trnopolje in his 1994 book, Seasons in Hell, the 'Guardian' reporter's

tone had changed. The barbed wire which he had not considered worth

mentioning in his first article had now become the focus of attention.

In his book, Vulliamy described his first impressions of Trnopolje in

these terms: 'More dirt tracks, more burned villages, and finally what

was formerly a school in its own grounds, and another startling,

calamitous sight: a teeming, multitudinous compound surrounded by

barbed wire fencing.' The tone of some of Vulliamy's discussions with

local people also seemed to have changed between his original report

and his later writings on Trnopolje. For instance Inar Gnoric, a

Bosnian Muslim, told Vulliamy that she had come to Trnopolje of her

own will, seeking safety. In the 'Guardian' article of August 1992,

Vulliamy quoted her as saying that 'The conditions are very hard here,

but there was terrible fighting and we had no food at all. It is safer

here, but we don't know what kind of status wehave. We are refugees,

but there are guards and the wire fence'. What fence she was talking

about is not clear. In Vulliamy's book, however, Gnoric clearly talks

of a barbed wire fence around the camp.

Penny Marshall did mention the barbed wire fence in the first report

she wrote after returning from Trnopolje, published in the 'Sunday

Times' (16 August 1992). About her first visit to the camp she simply

wrote that 'Outside was barbed wire'. Describing her second visit to

the camp in the same article, she noted that 'Outside, the camp had

changed in the week since our original report. The barbed wire fence

had been removed and the Serbians had left building materials for the

prisoners to make shelters.'

This was true; the barbed wire fence (and the ordinary wire mesh

fences) which Marshall's cameraman had shot during the first visit had

indeed been removed before her return. But Penny Marshall had left

open the question of precisely whereabouts 'outside' the barbed wire

fence had been located. She thus failed to correct the false

interpretation which so many people had placed upon the pictures.

Similarly, Ed Vulliamy wrote in his book that 'Four days after our

visit to Trnopolje, the fence came down' (p113). This left untouched

the impression which had settled in the public mind - that the camp

had been fenced-in with barbed wire.

A year after the ITN pictures were first broadcast, Penny Marshall

reacted to the suggestion that her report might have been

sensationalist: 'I bent over backwards, I showed guards - Bosnian Serb

guards - feeding the prisoners. I showed a small Muslim child who had

come of his own volition. I didn't call them death camps. I was

incredibly careful, but again and again we see that image being used.'

'Independent', 5 August 1993) Despite her plea of objectivity,

however, she did not explain how 'that image' of Fikret Alic behind

barbed wire had been produced by her team.

In a German television programme 'Kozarac - Ethnically Cleansed',

broadcast on 11 October 1993, Marshall told German movie producer

Monika Gras about the impact of the Trnopolje picture: 'That picture

of that barbed wire and these emaciated men made alarm bells ring

across the whole of Europe. I believe that the report would not have

caused such a reaction had it been transmitted without that picture,

although the facts would have been the same.' Marshall said that the

Bosnian Serbs did not know how to deal with the Western press: 'It was

a PR mistake in the Bosnian Serbs terms.' She did not mention her team

making any mistakes in their presentation of the Trnopolje story.

The notion that there was a barbed wire fence around Trnopolje camp,

and the comparison with Nazi concentration camps, have been widely

accepted as matters of fact. 'When the first journalists had arrived

there a few days earlier, barbed wire surrounded the place and there

was no welcoming banner', Peter Mass wrote in 'Love Thy Neighbours: A

Story of War', about his visit to Trnopolje in the late summer of

1992. (London, 1996, p41) 'I walked through the gates and couldn't

quite believe what I saw. There, right in front of me, were men who

looked like survivors of Auschwitz' Marshall, Williams and Vulliamy

have not used such language themselves. But neither have they

corrected the false interpretation of the picture of Fikret Alic

apparently imprisoned behind the barbed wire.

When the ITN pictures of Trnopolje were broadcast around the world,

they sparked widespread calls for the Bosnian Serbs to close the

camps. Sir John Thomson, head of a CSCE investigation committee in

Bosnia, warned the West against leaping to premature conclusions: 'If

some camps were just opened, I have the impression some of the

prisoners would not get very far - there would be nearby graves.'

'Guardian', 5 September 1992) But the international pressure on the

Bosnian Serbs had already had its effect.

Omarska camp, which the ITN team had also filmed, was shut down in

August 1992, and most of the refugees from there along with other

Muslims from Keraterm and Manjaca were taken to Trnopolje, which was

transformed from a refugee camp into a transition camp in a couple of

days. The International Committee of the Red Cross complained that,

thanks to the global excitement caused by the ITN reports, every

chance had been lost to attaina solution which would allow the Muslims

to remain in the region. On 1 October 1992, the first big Red Cross

convoy set off from Trnopolje to ship 1560 refugees over the border

into Croatia. In a sense, the exile of thousands of Muslims from their

home in Bosnia Herzegovina was thus inadvertently facilitated by the

international reaction to the ITN reports from Trnopolje.

Roused by the pictures, British prime minister John Major summoned

cabinet colleagues back from holiday for an emergency meeting. Shortly

afterwards, his government announced that British troops would be sent

into Bosnia. In the USA, where the 1992 presidential election campaign

was in full swing, Democratic Party candidate Bill Clinton and running

mate Al Gore used the ITN pictures to demand that president George

Bush should take military action against the Bosnian Serbs. In

Brussels, meanwhile, Nato staff responded by planning a military

intervention in the Balkans.

The pictures of Fikret Alic in Trnopolje were also to influence the

work of the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, set up by the UN

Security Council to prosecute those accused of atrocities in the

former Yugoslavia. The tribunal has relied heavily on the report of an

expert commission, led by Frits Karlshoven, who was later replaced by

Cherif Bassiouni. The report, published in the summer of 1994,

mentions the barbed wire fence in Trnopolje in several places.

Although the report is full of contradictions, it does state clearly

in Annex V, 'The Prijedor Report', that 'The camp was surrounded by

barbed wire, and a number of camp guards watched the detainees'. The

same chapter describes Trnopolje as a Serbian concentration

camp: 'Albeit Logor Trnopolje was not a death camp like Logor Omarska

or Logor Keraterm, the label 'concentration camp' is none the less

justified for Logor Trnopolje due to the regime prevailing in the

camp.' As a source for this chapter, Ed Vulliamy's book 'Seasons in

Hell' is referenced several times.

'Dragan Opacic's draft of the camp'

Dragan Opacic's draft showing the barbed wire fence he claimed

surrounded the camp, given in evidence against Dusko Tadic at the War

Crimes Tribunal. The story of the barbed wire fence played a prominent

part in the trial of the Bosnian Serb Dusko Tadic, the first case

heard before the War Crimes Tribunal. Tadic was accused by witness

'L', later revealed as Dragan Opacic, of committing atrocities at

Trnopolje. On 15 August 1996, Opacic made a drawing in the courtroom

to show how the barbed wire fenced-in the camp area. Questioned by the

British defence attorney Stephen Kay, he insisted that the barbed wire

fence had enclosed the entire camp.

By the end of October 1996, however, the accusations against Tadic

with regard to Trnopolje had been dropped; the prosecution's main

witness Opacic had been exposed as a liar trained to make false

statements by the Bosnian authorities. Opacic finally broke down and

admitted his deceit when confronted by his father, whom he earlier

claimed had been killed in the war. Tadic's Dutch defence advocate,

Professor Wladimiroff, told me that he interviewed Dragan Opacic the

day after he was exposed as a liar. Opacic said that the police in

Sarajevo had schooled him for the witness box by repeatedly showing

him videotapes of Dusko Tadic and of Trnopolje, which he scarcely

knew. Prominent among these tapes were the pictures from ITN which

were supposed to show Muslims imprisoned behind the barbed wire

fence.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Wybuchł skandal skutkiem którego Deichmanna zaskarżono do sądu.

Proces odbywał się przez "niezależnym angielskim sądem" i jak łatwo się domyśleć dziennikarze prestiżowego żurnala zostali oczyszczeni z zarzutów.Proces nie cieszył się ogromnym zaiteresowaniem publiki albowiem cała "prestiżowa zachodnia prasa" zajęta już była bronią chemiczną Huseina.Która wprawdzie również okaże się sprawą dętą (zgodnie z oświadczeniem samego Toni Blera) ale nie wywoła spodziewanej reakcji bo w między czasie media skierują swą uwagę na straszliwego syryjskiego tyrana Baszara Assada.

5 * ✔ interesujące.

Tu jest faktycznie ważna infirmacja dzięki temu Thomasowi Deichmann.

Czekam na pozostałe informacje.

Salution ✔ :)))))

@Leonardo da Vinci 02:39:20

Tak prawdę mówiąc to ci którzy Miloszewica oskarżali i doprowadzili do śmierci nie udzielając mu pomocy powinni być sądzeni.

A te łotry żyją sobie spokojnie. Te faszystowski gady.

@Leonardo da Vinci 03:22:25

Kto powinien być sądzony" - Pisałem o tym kilka miesięcy temu:

"Tak wiele kłamstw rozpowszechniły media o wojnie przeciw Jugosławii, że publiczna debata została praktycznie zduszona" - mówi uczestnik konferencji w Berlinie w 1999 roku.

Były minister sprawiedliwości w rządzie USA Ramsey Clark sformułował jesienią 1999 roku na konferencji w Berlinie oskarżenie, skierowane przeciw winnym napaści na suwerenną Jugosławię, tj. przeciw NATO oraz rządom państw, uczestniczących w 78-dniowych nalotach: przeciw rządom USA, Wielkiej Brytanii i Niemiec. Uznał też za winnych rządy Turcji, Włoch i Węgier, które udzieliły agresorom swych baz, lotnisk i przestrzeni powietrznej.

Według Stanislava Patejdla z Republiki Czeskiej głównymi winnymi, którzy powinni być osądzeni, są:

1. Javier Solana, przewodniczący Rady i sekretarz generalny NATO,

2. Gen. Wesley Clark, głównodowodzący siłami NATO w Europie,

3. Wiliam J. Clinton, prezydent USA,

4. Madeleine Albright, minister spraw zagranicznych USA,

5. Wiliam Cohen, minister obrony USA,

6. Tony Blair, premier Wielkiej Brytanii,

7. Robin Cook, minister spraw zagranicznych Wielkiej Brytanii,

8. George Robertson, minister obrony Wielkiej Brytanii,

9. Gerhard Schröder, kanclerz Niemiec,

10. Joschka Fischer, minister spraw zagranicznych Niemiec,

11. Rudolf Scharping, minister obrony Niemiec.

Osoby te nie zostały osądzone ani przez projektowany Trybunał, ani odpowiednio przez opinię publiczną. O ile mi wiadomo, wymienieni mają się całkiem nieźle. Zawleczono natomiast do Hagi byłego prezydenta Jugosławii, któremu urządzono ohydny proces, opisany w książce Germinala Civikova pt. "Der Milosević-Prozess" ["Proces Miloszewicza"].

Tam w więzieniu w Hadze zmarł porządny i mądry polityk Slobodan Miloszewicz, człowiek-instytucja, który bronił nie tyle siebie, ile sprawy swojej ojczyzny".

Jugosławia - to taki

ewenement nowego porządku w Europie po II WŚ. Tito był architektem powojennej Jugosławii - więc trzymał od niej - na jakiś sobie wygodny dystans - światowy czarci pomiot - i ze wschodu i z zachodu. Oczywiście czarci pomiot ulokowany czy to na tzw. Zachodzie czy ulokowany w ZSRR - podgryzał - jak tylko mógł - Jugosławię Tito - więc w efekcie - po jego śmierci rozdziobano ją - ostatecznie w 1992 roku. Czarci pomiot mógł wreszcie postawić/odcisnąć swoje kopyto na Bałkanach z całą mocą.

Wniosek?

Wygląda na to, że Jugosławia Tito - uwierała niesamowicie - tak naprawdę światowy, czarci pomiot - bo ten nie miał na nią takiego wpływu - jaki by chciał tam mieć - więc pomiot mordował potem tę Jugosławię z iście szatańskim impetem - podstawiając ludziom w mediach stosowną rzeczywistość wokół tej szatańskiej, nieludzkiej operacji.

Na koniec - obrońcy tego ewenementu - jakim była Jugosławia Tito - w tym szatańskim świecie zasługuje na najwyższy szacunek - z czego pewnie już tam wielu sobie zdaje sprawę - nawet tych żyjących w dzisiejszej Chorwacji.

@zygmuntbialas 08:53:25

Jednym słowem zbrodniarze są bezkarni i tylko Bóg ich osądzi ?

Trudno jest mi zrozumieć mentalność Montenegro (Црна Гора).

ze i oni zdradzili Serbów i dołączyli do zbrodniczego paktu NATO.

Pozdr.

@demonkracja 09:07:08

Tam po Tito zadziałał stary wypróbowany rzymski sposób.

Divide et impera (Dziel i rządź).

Zresztą imperialistyczny Zachód zawsze tak postępuje.

Wszystkie kolonie miały swoich kacyków służących krwiopijcom.

@Monaco 10:37:45

"Trudno jest mi zrozumieć mentalność Montenegro (Црна Гора).

ze i oni zdradzili Serbów i dołączyli do zbrodniczego paktu NATO."

Czarnogórą zawładnęła mafijna klika. Zwykli ludzie nie maja nic do powiedzenia.

@Pedant 10:49:04

A jak zwykle USA i Bruksela tą swoją mafie wspiera.

Bo cóż to za siła w NATO państwa liczącego mniej ludzi niź Kraków czy nawet Wrocław.

Czarno Góra 631 tysięcy osób .

@Monaco 10:37:45

"Trudno jest mi zrozumieć mentalność Montenegro (Црна Гора).

ze i oni zdradzili Serbów i dołączyli do zbrodniczego paktu NATO". -

--- Też nie do końca mogę to zrozumieć. Czarnogóra była przykładem waleczności z hitlerowskim okupantem. Dzisiaj została Serbia sama, bez dostępu do morza. Dobre mają stosunki z Rosją i przyzwoite z Francją. Może kiedyś się odmieni.

@zygmuntbialas 08:53:25

Hallo Zygmunt,

tematem wojny w Jugoslawii i samym Milosewiczem interesowalem sie od samego poczatku. Pamietam w jakim klimacie przedstawiany byl Milosewicz

w mediach po smierci Tito.

Przedstawiane tu w tym blogu"nowe" dokumenty i sprostowania znane sa mi juz od samego momentu ich powstania.

O Milosewiczu i o wojnie w Jugoslawii sporo pisalem na forum FiM.

Bylem jedynym, ktory stawal w jego obronie i zaprzeczal doniesieniom prasowym. Bylem jedynym, ktory negowal tzw. "Masakre w Srebrenicy".

Dzisiaj to juz tylko historia:(

Po tym, jak moj komp oddal ducha - cala moja dokumentacja z tamtego okresu tez poszla w zapomnienie.

Odtworzenie jej jest dla mnie nazbyt praco- i czasochlonne.

A i sam temat nie jest dla mnie juz taki aktualny.

Z pamieci odgrzebalem ten link dla zainteresowanych:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZtkQYRlXMNU

I przy okazji:

Es begann mit einer Lüge im Kosovo - 1/2

Es begann mit einer Lüge im Kosovo - 2/2

Serdeczne pozdrowienia :)

@krysz 12:29:01

P.S.

https://www.nachdenkseiten.de/?p=33128

@krysz 12:29:01 oraz 12:35:22

Witam Cię,

przede wszystkim dziękuję Ci za przysłanie książki o Jugosławii i o procesie prezydenta Milosevica. Wtedy (ponad pół roku temu) miałem już pewną wiedzę o tamtych wydarzeniach, bo pisali o tym Tiamat i Ikulalibal na moim blogu. Później pojawiły się moje notki, oparte na książkach, które przysłałeś. Dołączył teraz Alfax, któremu podałem link do filmu Jos de Puttera.

Myślę, że trzeba pisać o Jugosławii i przede wszystkim Serbii, której przywódcy i mieszkańcy bronili bohatersko swej wolności i swych praw. Bo nasza wiedza w Polsce jest bardzo niewielka, a przecież rozwalenie Jugosławii to pewien etap rozwalenia następnych państw, w tym też europejskich.

Przeczytam wskazany artykuł i obejrzę film. Postaram się opracować temat.

Pozdrawiam serdecznie :)

@Leonardo da Vinci 02:39:20

Marszałek Tito .

A ja czekam na część 3 i 4 ...... .

Salution ✔

@zygmuntbialas 13:15:27

"@krysz 12:29:01 oraz 12:35:22

przede wszystkim dziękuję Ci za przysłanie książki o Jugosławii i o procesie prezydenta Milosevica."

Jest wspaniała książka "Zabić naród" przez Michaela Parenti, tam jest wszystko bardzo skrupulatnie udokumentowane, dzień po dniu, wydarzenie po wydarzeniu, przebieg propagandy itd ...

https://www.amazon.com/Kill-Nation-Attack-Yugoslavia/dp/1859843662

Wyzwolenie Pół Europy przyszło ze Wschodu.

Wyzwolenie Serbii przyszło ze Wschodu... . 

Z okazji rocznicy rozpoczęcia przez Armię Czerwoną operacji wyzwalania Serbii, Aleksander Konzunin, ambasador Rosji w Serbii napisał list do serbskich obywateli. Jego treść przytacza serbski dziennik „Danas”.

„Dokładnie 65 lat temu, 28 września 1944 roku wybiła godzina wyzwolenia Jugosławii spod okupacji faszystowskiej. Z umęczonej wojną ZSRR poszarpanego przez faszystów, na Zachód nieugięcie ruszyła lawina żołnierzy Armii Czerwonej z jednym celem – dobić nieprzyjaciela.

W tamtym okresie naród jugosłowiański już trzy i pół roku wiódł bezkompromisową walkę przeciwko faszystom. 

Fale wielkich operacji hitlerowskich pozbawiły życia setki tysięcy Jugosłowian. Okupant stworzył w kraju atmosferę strachu i przemocy. Na porządku dziennym były łapanki i masowe rozstrzeliwania. 

Działały dziesiątki obozów koncentracyjnych, w których śmierć czekała nie tylko partyzantów (komunistów titowskich – przyp. TR), ale również cywilów. Jednak niezależnie od atmosfery terroru, jugosłowiańska walka o niezależność nie tylko nie została przerwana, ale wręcz przybierała na sile.

W 1944 roku sytuacja na frontach europejskich zmieniła się w taki sposób, że wojska radzieckie znalazły się na granicy serbskiej. 

Dowództwo Armii Czerwonej podjęło decyzję o niesieniu pomocy bratniemu narodowi serbskiemu. 

Pierwsze oddziały 57. armii przekroczyły granicę bułgarsko-serbską 28 września.

Radzieccy żołnierze i oficerowie usłyszeli następujące słowa: „Towarzyszu żołnierzu, sierżancie, oficerze! Wstąpiłeś na ziemie Jugosławii, bliskie nam duchem i krwią. Zawsze i wszędzie pamiętaj, że przyszedłeś wprowadzić w Jugosławii prawo i porządek oraz zniszczyć hitlerowskich rozbójników, którzy uciekają przed siłą twoich uderzeń."

Czerwonoarmiści byli świadomi, że stąpają po bratniej ziemi. Kiedy maszerowali dalej na Zachód, polecili swoim serbskim druhom: „Jeśli zginiemy w obcym kraju, pochowajcie nas w słowiańskiej Serbii."

Dziś w Belgradzie stoi wspólna mogiła, 

poświęcona poległym serbskim i rosyjskim wyzwolicielom jugosłowiańskiej stolicy.

Obywatele Serbii witali wyzwolicieli z radością i zachwytem. Naród serbski pomagał Armii Czerwonej jak mógł najlepiej.

Wszystko, co zostało powyżej napisane, to fakty historyczne. 

Mają one stanowić odpowiedź tym, którzy dziś oczerniają RADZIECKIEGO ŻOŁNIERZA-WYZWOLICIELA.

Dzięki wam, Serbowie, że opiekujecie się dziś grobami poległych w II wojnie światowej bohaterów – Rosjan, Ukraińców, Białorusinów, Tatarów, Gruzinów i wielu innych narodów – obywateli wspólnego ogromnego państwa.

Po wojnie wiele ulic w jugosłowiańskich miastach nosiło imiona wojskowych dowódców Armii Czerwonej. 

Później ulice zostały przemianowane. Ale ludzie pamiętają. 

Serbowie deklarują potrzebę głoszenia prawdy historycznej.

Serbskie ulice powinny na nowo nosić imiona swoich wyzwolicieli."

Salution :) ✔✔✔✔✔

@zygmuntbialas 13:15:27

Czy wojna przeciw Jugosławii była jedyną dobrą wojną USA?

NIE. Stany Zjednoczone próbowały udawać, że walczą z pobudek humanitarnych, oraz pokazać się jako obrońcy muzułmanów. Ale w rzeczywistości to Waszyngton i Berlin sprowokowały tę wojnę. W egoistycznym interesie osiągnięcia określonych celów strategicznych – gospodarczej kolonizacji Bałkanów, przejęcia kontroli nad trasami transportu ropy oraz walki o dominację nad światem.

I mogły to zrobić tylko w tym czasie, kiedy Rosja była pogrążona w chaosie. To dlatego Putin powiedział, że rozpad Związku Radzieckiego był „największą geopolityczną tragedią XX wieku” – uwolnił furię amerykańskiego imperium na więcej ludzi na świecie niż kiedykolwiek wcześniej.

Ameryka nigdy nie prowadziła humanitarnej wojny i nie była strażakiem w wojnie przeciw Jugosławii – Ameryka była podpalaczem. To oni byli najbardziej winni cierpienia zadanego wszystkim tym ludziom. Stany Zjednoczone nie mogą być z jednej strony przyjaciółmi muzułmanów na Bałkanach, a z drugiej strony najgorszym ich wrogiem w Palestynie i Iraku. Ameryka wszędzie jest wrogiem muzułmanów oraz najbardziej niebezpiecznym wrogiem wszystkich ludzi na świecie.

Grożą Syrii, Iranowi, Północnej Korei, Kubie, a pewnego dnia zagrożą pewnie Chinom. Ponieważ ich strategia wojenna nie ma innego celu niż utrzymanie niesprawiedliwego porządku gospodarczego, dominacja oraz wykorzystanie każdego kraju na świecie do dalszego wzbogacania małej garstki supermiliarderów.

Dlatego właśnie tak ważne jest, aby zdemaskować wszelkie kłamstwa mediów i wreszcie powiedzieć prawdę o prawdziwej wojnie przeciw Jugosławii: była to wojna agresywna.

2020-04-27 22:52:17, Administrator, administracyjna blokada komentarza: brak informacji

@SZS 22:15:51

Napisal Pan tu jak faktycznie było i jak faktycznie jest.

Tylko niestety mało ludzi widzi lub chce widzieć te prawdziwe fakty o USA.

Po prostu, prawdę.

Pozdrawiam.

@zygmuntbialas 08:53:25

Niestety to prawda.

" Tak wiele kłamstw rozpowszechniły media o wojnie przeciw Jugosławii, że publiczna debata została praktycznie zduszona" - mówi uczestnik konferencji w Berlinie w 1999 roku." 

W tzw świecie Zachodu, nie ma wolnych niezależnych stacji TV, radiowych i prasy o ogólno krajowym nakładzie. Nie ma !

Owszem są pisemka wolne od obowiazujacego mainstreamu ale ich zasięg jest bardzo ograniczony, marginalny.

Tak dużo nasze media i też zachodnie głoszą że w Rosji wszystko jest pod kontrolą państwa, co jest nie prawdą bo tam istnieje sporo ostrej krytyki w ich mediach dotyczącej rządu. A gdy przypatruję się treści która ukazuje się w Zachodnich mediach W. Brytanii, USA, Holandii, Belgii to stwierdzam że piszą, mówią we wszystkich tych krajach identycznie.

Tak jakby były z pod jednego dyktanda, dyktatora. 

W Polsce jest to samo. Niektóre wiadomości są identyczne, wywodzące się z jednego decyzyjnego centrum.

Pozdrawiam.

@Leonardo da Vinci 21:30:58

A co wyrabia PiS z pamiecią i pomnikami ?

Draństwo i hańba. Wstydu nie mają. Setki tysięcy młodych żołnierzy z Armii Czerwonej poległo na naszej Polskiej Ziemi za naszą wolność i byś my mogli żyć. Ci którzy walczyli z niemieckimi zbrodniarzami mającymi za cel unicestwić nas biologicznie nie walczyli za żadną politykę czy partię oni walczyli za wolność od nazistowskiej zarazy i o to by nasze matki i nasi ojcowie, bracia i siostry nie byli wymordowani i spaleni lub traktowani jak podludzie, jak niewolnicy. Tym żołnierzom Armii Czerwonej zawdzięczamy wolną Polskę a nie Amerykanom, Francuzom czy Brytyjczykom. Im nic nie zawdzięczamy. Nic.

Pozdrawiam

Pozdrawiam

@krysz 12:29:01

Dziękuję za link, z zainteresowaniem obejrzałem.

Pozdrawiam

@Pedant 10:49:04

To samo z Północną Macedonia ,

Też opuścili Serbię i brak mi słów.

Pozdrawiam

2020-04-28 00:38:42, Administrator, administracyjna blokada komentarza: brak informacji